Шаин Аббасов Shain Abbasov Şahin Abbasov

Вот уже почти месяц, как в моем доме через день ночью отключают электричество до самого утра. Сидишь, смотришь телевизор на ночь глядя, и вдруг полная темнота. Причем в те дни, когда отключают электричество в нашем доме, в соседних свет есть. И наоборот. То есть, Бакэлектрикшебеке делает это умышленно, отключая дома в шахматном порядке.

Оказалось, что так происходит не только в нашем районе - Насиминском. На днях позвонил приятель, проживающий в новостройке в другом районе и нецензурно ругался. Человек готовится к важному экзамену - GMAT и по натуре "сова", то есть ему удобнее заниматься по ночам. А ему отключают электричество.

Что происходит? Я все еще нахожусь под впечатлением пространной статьи Гейдара Бабаева, оправдывающей повышение цен. Помню, как подробно министр описывал полижительные стороны последнего резкого повышения цен на электроэнергию и воду. Его главным аргументом было то, что обеспечение населения светом и водой улучшится. Однако, после 8 января 2007 года я уже начал оплачивать счета за электроэнергию по новым тарифам, в то время как свет в моей квартире стали отключать гораздо стабильнее. Да и вода, как шла по часам, так и идет.

Хотел было написать министру, но вовремя одумался. Лучше все равно не станет. А вдруг на моем примере напишет еще одну статью, и докажет необходимость нового повышения тарифов - чтобы еще лучше стало?

The fate of ANS Television and Radio, Azerbaijan’s sole independent broadcaster, is again hanging in the balance, following the decision to postpone a tender for its broadcast frequencies. The announcement comes amid growing concerns by international organizations and human rights watchdogs about media rights in the country.

After months of controversy and the company’s closure and subsequent reopening, the National Television and Radio Council (NTRC) was expected to rule on February 5 about whether to renew ANS’s frequency license. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. On February 9, state-run news agency AzerTag, however, announced that a second tender for the license would be held between February 20 and March 20 since no bidders other than ANS had taken part in the earlier tender for a frequency license.

In an interview on February 5, the day slotted for a decision on ANS’ bid, NTRC Chairman Nushiravan Maharramov argued that the council had delayed its decision, since the law and NTRC’s own regulations do not allow a bid for a license "if there are no alternative applicants."
Rashid Hajili, director of the Baku-based Media Rights Institute, a media freedom watchdog, strongly disagrees. "I perfectly know the law on TV and radio broadcasting and NTRC’s regulations. None of it has any restriction on holding a bid for a license without alternatives," Hajili said.
The fact that NTRC granted licenses in the fall of 2006 to two new regional television companies (in Alibayramli and Yevlakh) which were also the only bidders for their broadcast frequencies further undermines the NTRC’s position, Hajili argued. Instead, the decision to postpone the tender is the "political decision of the authorities and their desire to keep ANS in limbo," he contended.

Maharramov, however, rejects that idea that the council acts from any hidden political motive. "The National Television and Radio Council operates within the framework of the law. And it is up to us to hold the bid or to postpone it."

ANS broadcasting was first stopped on November 24, 2006, and then, amidst considerable domestic and international outcry, restored on December 12, 2006. The NTRC has announced that the broadcaster is free to continue its radio and TV programs until the second tender for its frequencies is completed in late March.

Nonetheless, Maharramov had indicated that certain viewer concerns about ANS television reports and programs will be taken into consideration when reviewing the station’s request for a license renewal. The display of dead bodies during a crime news program, occasional "erotic" scenes in television series broadcast by ANS, and "religious segregation" in the broadcast of a traditional Azeri song contest (in which a song about Shi’ism was performed) are among the complaints, he said.

The Media Rights Institute’s Hajili shrugs off such complaints, saying that other Azerbaijani television channels broadcast similar content and that the law provides no definition of eroticism, or limitations on broadcasting shots of dead bodies.

Another feature of ANS’ work may prove more troubling for media watchdogs and local journalists, alike, however. A source within ANS television verified earlier media reports that the government has appointed an individual to act as an unofficial censor for ANS news and political programs. "Indeed, we have a censor now. We have a new employee now," said the source, who asked not to be named. "Without his permission, we cannot broadcast any news."

International organizations and human rights monitors have routinely issued statements expressing their concerns about the state of freedom of speech in Azerbaijan. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. "Anyone daring to voice criticism of the authorities or to expose Azerbaijan’s enduring corruption problem faces an uncertain future, despite President Ilham Aliyev’s assurances that attacks on journalists are unacceptable," charged Laurence Broers, Azerbaijan expert for Amnesty International, in a January 24 press release. "Journalists are only free to express opinions that fall in line with government directives."

In a recent commentary on the numerous such statements published since the end of 2006, Ali Hasanov, head of the political department of the Azerbaijani presidential administration, said that the information does "not reflect reality."

"Media in Azerbaijan is free and all newspapers published in the country can write what they want and express the[ir] position on any problem. Thousands of crimes happen in every country, some of them may be connected with the journalists. It does not mean the government [has] pressure on [the] media," Hasanov said, APA news agency reported on January 24.

Aside from the ongoing ANS scuffle, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of Europe, Reporters Without Borders, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and others have focused on recent imprisonments of and attacks against journalists.

Acts of violence have cast a particular shadow over local reporters’ work. The 2005 murder of editor Elmar Huseynov, perhaps the most sensational of Azerbaijan’s recent crimes against media, remains unsolved. In late December 2006, Nijat Huseynov, a correspondent from the opposition Azadliq newspaper, was hospitalized with a knife wound after being attacked by four strangers near a bus station in a Baku suburb and badly beaten. He had recently published an article examining government corruption. The editor of the opposition Bizim Yol newspaper suffered a similar attack in the summer of 2006. Police have so far failed to find the perpetrators.

Meanwhile, several prison cases involving journalists linger on, as well. On January 30, a Baku court sentenced Faramaz Novruzoglu, a reporter from the pro-opposition, weekly Nota Bene newspaper, to two years in prison for allegedly slandering Azerbaijani Interior Minister Ramil Usubov and State Committee for Diaspora Affairs Chairman Nazim Ibrahimov. Novruzoglu had published two critical articles about the men. The newspaper’s editor-in-chief, Sardar Alibeyli, received a suspended one-and-a-half year sentence.

In January, a court prolonged the detention of Samir Sadagatoglu, editor of the Sanat newspaper, and Sanat reporter Rafik Tagi, for another two months. The two were put in prison in November 2006 after the publication of an article that allegedly criticized Islam.

Meanwhile, the satirical poet Mirza Sakit, who published his poetry in the pro-opposition Azadlig, remains in prison on a three-year sentence for heroin possession.

Evictions also enter into the tally of media and opposition complaints against the government. On February 2, the Azerbaijani Economic Court #1 rejected an appeal against the November 2006 eviction of opposition Azadlig and Bizim Yol newspapers, Turan news agency and the opposition Popular Front Party of Azerbaijan from their office space in downtown Baku.
"[T]he year 2006 was not good [for media]," Robin Seaword, the acting head of the OSCE office in Baku, commented on December 29 about violence against Azerbaijani media, Turan reported. "Journalists were exposed to continued and very strong pressure. I hope these problems will find a solution in 2007."

Shahin Abbasov.

Как и все, кто интересуется политикой, с интересом послушал вчера известное выступление Владимира Путина в Мюнхене. С неменьшим интересом прочитал сегодня комментарии это, действительно исторического выступления, в российском "Коммерсанте", "Времени новостей" и американских газетах.

Конечно же, учитывая политику администрации Путина в последние годы, можно согласиться с тем, что он наконец "раскрыл карты" и что весь мир оказался неподготовленным к такому повороту событий.

Однако, почему никто не рассматривает версию о том, что это выступление может быть одинаково выгодно сегодня, как Путину, так и администрации Буша. Администрация США, которая уже устала от неудач с Ираком, и в борьбе с "Аль-Каидой", вполне может нуждаться в новой "холодной войне" с Россией. Тем более, что реально Россия сегодня не представляет серьезной угрозы (во всяком случае, военной) для США и их европейских союзников. С другой стороны, Путин, который покидает свой пост в 2008 году, может быть заинтересован в том, чтобы уйти на совсем уже "мажорной" ноте. С учетом роста ксенофобии в российском обществе, появление нового старого врага в лице США может оказаться по душе большинству российских избирателей.

Опять же, вполне возможно, что это действительно была односторонняя атака со стороны Путина. Но согласитесь, что и моя версия имеет право на жизнь.

Shahin Abbasov.

Только что прочел новость о том, что Национальный Совет по телевидению и радио назначил новый тендер по вопросу лицензирования ANS TV и ANS CM (саму новость смотрите ниже). В принципе это ожидалось. Решение, безусловно, политическое и еще раз показало, что НТРС не является независимой структурой. Поэтому я не собираюсь обсуждать здесь то, о чем уже много раз говорилось и писалось.

Хочу обратить внимание лишь на один аскект, который показывает, что наши власти пока не научились нормально юридически оформлять свои решения. НТРС объясняет перенос тендера статьей Закона "О тендере", который предполагает наличие как минимум трех заявок для того, чтобы тендер состоялся. Все правильно - законы нужно соблюдать. Но почему же, тот же НТРС не вспомнил о существовании этого закона осенью 2006 года, когда выдал лицензию на создание двух новых региональных каналов - в Евлахе и в Алибайрамлы?! Тогда тоже был объявлены тендеры, в каждом из которых приняла участия только одна компания, которая в итоге и получила лицензию. То есть, в отношении Вахида Мустафаева законы у нас работают, а в отношении главы Исполнительной власти Евлаха (контролируемая им компания получила лицензию на ТВ в Евлахе) и в случае с Фондом Гейдара Алиева (по имеющимся у меня данным, именно они получили лицензию в случае с Алибайрамлы) наличие трех заявок оказалось не обязательным. Хотя, конечно же я наивен - какие заявки могут быть, если участие в тендере принимает Фонд носящий имя нашего общенационального лидера.

ANS ОСТАВИЛИ В ПОДВЕШЕННОМ СОСТОЯНИИ

БАКУ/09.02.07/TURAN: Национальный телерадиосовет объявил новый конкурс на частоты телерадиокомпаний ANS и ANS-CM, который пройдет с 20 февраля по 20 марта 2007 года.
Как сообщили Turan в НТРС, такое решение было принято сегодня на заседании этой структуры, где обсуждались итоги предыдущего конкурса, объявленного 5 декабря 2006 года.
Свое решение НТРС мотивировал тем, что в тендере принято участие менее 3-х претендентов и в соответствии со статьей 11.3 закона "О госзакупках" и статье 8.3 положения о "О НТРС" Совет признал конкурс несостоявшимся.
НТРС признал целесообразным продолжение вещания ANS до объявления результатов конкурса. Информация об условиях конкурса будет опубликована в официальной печати.
В свою очередь, в телекомпании ANS отказались комментировать решение НТРС.
* Напомним, что 24 ноября НТРС приостановил вещание ANS в виду "нарушений". Это решение вызвало неоднозначную реакцию в стране и мире. 5 декабря НТРС объявил тендер на замещение частот ANS. Однако 11 декабря этот же орган разрешил временно возобновить вещание ANS до завершения конкурса.-06D-

Прочтите и прокомментируйте мою статью о коррупции, опубликованную на сайте http://www.globalintegrity.org

Статья была опубликована в начале января 2007 года

Reporter's Notebook: Azerbaijan

By Shain Abbasov

Two months ago, my friend Ulviya told me a frightening story about the events that transpired after her 26-year-old brother was fatally hit by a car in Azerbaijan. "The relatives of the driver first offered compensation to withdraw our claim," she said. "We refused, but the court finally decided that my brother committed suicide by throwing himself in front of the car, and the guy who killed him avoided punishment. As we found out later, [the driver's relatives] paid the investigator and judge [17,601 manat] US$20,000."

When Azerbaijan obtained independence in the fall of 1991, we young students were full of hope for the future prosperity of our country. No one imagined the difficulties the country would face in its first 15 years of independence.

Today, people face bribery from the day they are born until the day they die. Although a free public health system officially exists, in reality delivering a child in a maternity hospital costs parents between 264 manat and 440 manat (US$300 and US$500), depending on the clinic and the doctor's reputation. The documents marking the first and last moments of one's life cannot be obtained without money. In addition to the official duty for birth certificates, relatives have to pay so-called hermet (respect) fees of nine manat (US$10) or more to national registry office employees. Worse, bribes must be paid to cemetery administrators for a burial site: At some central cemeteries in the capital city of Baku, these can run up to 2640 manat (US$3,000).

The 2005 Transparency International Corruption Perception Index ranked Azerbaijan 137th out of 146 countries. Experts have estimated the cost of corruption in Azerbaijan at several billion dollars per year, a level approaching the country's total budget of 3.5 billion manat (US$4 billion) in 2006. This entrenched malfeasance keeps the country's citizens mired in poverty: The average monthly income in Azerbaijan is only 131 manat (US$148.50), ranging from 174 manat (US$198) in Baku to 87 manat (US$99) in the rest of the country, and some 29 percent of Azerbaijanis live on less than 2 manat (US$2) per day. One of the main reasons for Azerbaijan's endemic corruption is its flawed separation of powers. Executive power dominates in this authoritarian country, and the inability of parliamentarians and judicial authorities to resist corruption make them links in a vicious cycle.

Everything in the judicial courts is for sale. Shortening sentences costs about 1,760 manat (US$2,000) per year. A Supreme Court judge caught in 2005 releasing a prisoner early kept his job, although three justice ministry officials were convicted in the case. Any lawyer will tell you that any court judgment can be fought at a cost of tens of thousands of dollars, depending on the weight of the criminal offence or value of disputed property. For example, suspending a traffic accident investigation costs 880 manat (US$1,000); dismissing a criminal case, 2,200 manat to 3,520 manat (US$2,500 to US$4,000); overriding substantial evidence in a judgment, 44,003 manat (US$50,000).

Azerbaijanis learn about corruption early: Where people around the world pay to be taught, in Azerbaijan they pay to remain uneducated. If a high school student gets a grade of three - equivalent to an American 'C' - on his 8th grade final, his parents can pay about 176 manat (US$200) to upgrade. Prices increase at universities. Depending on the popularity of the university or department, passing an exam or getting a good score costs students between 22 manat and 264 manat (US$25 and US$300). Professors who don't want to waste time have been known to present students with their "price list." Even well-prepared students often have to pay to get into the next grade.

A student group called the Dalga (Wave) Youth Organization conducted a survey of 5,000 students in 2005 that identified bribing as students' biggest problem. The organization also listed the most corrupt universities in Azerbaijan. "It turned out that only four universities out of about 70 don't accept bribes," said Dalga leader Ramin Hajili. The survey results inspired Dalga to launch a public campaign called "Education without Bribes."

"We openly blackmailed professors and chancellors through public statements: 'If you continue to demand bribes we publish the list,'" Hajili said. However, the campaign resulted in some unexpected negative outcomes. "In some universities where professors were threatened, they increased bribe rates because of the increased risk, and now some students call us 'troublemakers,'" Hajili said.

The Azerbaijani parliament introduced a new anti-corruption law in 2004, and increased penalties for corruption in 2006. Though the Commission on Fighting Corruption was established in 2005, not a single important case has been launched, and most of the cases it has opened appear politically motivated. In one case, a former economic development minister, who was fired and arrested in 2005 for cooperating with opposition forces that were planning a coup, was later accused by the commission of illegally privatizing national companies in the 1990s.

While the oil and gas industry is the most profitable in Azerbaijan, it is also among the least transparent. In 2005, the Baku-based magazine Hesabat published figures on office-supply procurement by the State Oil Company of Azerbaijan (SOCAR), which provides more than 60 percent of the state's revenue. Prices paid under the contract were 10 times higher than market rates: Lamps that cost 0.22 qepik (US$0.25) at any Baku shop were purchased for about 4 manat (US$5). Tellingly, the publication did not prompt an investigation and no one was punished.

Some improvements are visible. Azerbaijan's new president, Ilham Aliyev, understands poverty's potential threat to the stability of the ruling elite, so his government has taken steps to improve the country's socio-economic situation. A huge inflow of oil revenues from high oil prices allowed the government to significantly increase state employee wages, decreasing day-to-day corruption. For example, the number of roadside bribes has decreased significantly since traffic police wages tripled in 2005. "Now traffic policemen stop you for real violations, and in most cases they refuse to take bribes and impose a legal fine," said Alekper Aliyev, a taxi driver in Baku.

Getting a new passport or changing an old one used to mean waiting in long lines in front of the police department and paying a 13 manat bribe (US$15) for quick document processing. When I changed my passport in April 2006, the line was well organized, policemen were helpful and not even small bribes were demanded. However, obtaining my ID card the same month in the local police branch cost about 26 manat (US$30).

Customs, tax services and the pension system have also reportedly improved. Anarchy no longer reigns at Baku International airport, where customs and border control officers once charged ordinary citizens between nine manat and 132 manat (US$10 and US$150) to enter and exit the country.

Though some things have changed for the better, ordinary Azerbaijanis are themselves to blame for the systemic corruption that has become part of their culture. According to one survey, 59.9 percent of people in Azerbaijan admitted to being happy to pay bribes in order to solve their problems quickly. About 90 percent of the Azerbaijani population pay or receive bribes, the survey found.

"I am against paying bribes," said a friend, Farid Arifoglu, who recently had a baby. "But when I was getting a birth certificate for my son, I had to 'thank' an employee of the registrar with [nine manat] US$10. The mood there is paradoxical. Those who don't pay hermet feel guilty. It's hard to explain, but it's probably an issue of mentality. When it's a happy occasion you have to share your joy, in this case financially."